A coup d'état is an illegal and overt attempt by a military or government elite to remove an incumbent leader or leadership. A self-coup occurs when a leader, initially coming to power legally, uses illegal means to remain in power. Coups often involve military action and represent a sudden, forceful seizure of control, differing from typical political transitions or revolutions involving broader popular movements.
Jair Bolsonaro was discharged from the hospital and placed under house arrest in Brazil and is expected to serve 27-year sentence.
The Ottoman countercoup happened in 1909.
In 1920, the Kapp Putsch was one of the attempted coups that took place in Weimar Germany.
In 1923, Adolf Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch was one of the attempted coups that took place in Weimar Germany.
In 1934, Hitler carried out the Night of the Long Knives, a purge to eliminate political opponents. Nazi propaganda justified it as preventing a supposed putsch planned by Ernst Röhm, which is often referred to as the "so-called Röhm Putsch".
From 1946 to the beginning of 2021, approximately 148 self-coup attempts occurred, with 110 in autocracies and 38 in democracies.
From 1950 to 2010, there were 457 coup attempts, of which 227 were successful and 230 were unsuccessful. Coups were most common in Africa and the Americas.
The Laotian counter-coup happened in 1960.
The Indonesian mass killings happened between 1965 and 1966.
The Nigerian counter-coup happened in 1966.
The Greek counter-coup happened in 1967.
The Sudanese counter-coup happened in 1971.
A 2003 review of academic literature examined the factors that influence coups.
From 1950 to 2010, there were 457 coup attempts, of which 227 were successful and 230 were unsuccessful. The number of successful coups has decreased over time.
Mali's 2012 coup took place. A 2017 study found that the use of state broadcasting by the putschist regime after this coup did not elevate explicit approval for the regime.
A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries found that establishing open political competition helps countries break out of the coup trap and reduces cycles of political instability.
A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in the 20th century found that coup frequency does not vary with development levels, economic inequality, or the rate of economic growth.
A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in the 20th century found that the legislative powers of the presidency do not influence coup frequency.
According to Naunihal Singh, author of "Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups" in 2014, violent purges of the army by the incumbent government after a failed coup are "fairly rare". Governments usually resort to firing prominent officers and replacing them with loyalists instead.
A 2015 study found that terrorism is strongly associated with re-shuffling coups.
According to a 2015 study, coups against democracies, coups after the Cold War, and coups in states heavily integrated into the international community are all more likely to elicit global reaction.
A 2016 paper found that government crises, political stability and absence of violence, purges, the level of political terror, general strikes, population growth, legal structure and security of property rights, and the share of democratic countries in the same region predict the occurrence of a coup.
A 2016 study categorizes four possible outcomes to coups in dictatorships.
A 2016 study finds that the AU has played a meaningful role in reducing African coups through anti-coup frameworks and the threat of sanctions.
A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduces the occurrence of coup attempts. Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting.
A literature review in a 2016 study mentions ethnic factionalism, supportive foreign governments, leader inexperience, slow growth, commodity price shocks, and poverty as factors influencing coups.
In 2016, Harkness found that the concentration of force in a small number of units near the capital and ethnic or factional imbalance inside the army increase the likelihood of a coup.
In 2016, a study showed that the international donor community in the post-Cold War period penalizes coups by reducing foreign aid.
In 2016, legal scholar Ilya Somin suggested that a coup to forcibly overthrow a democratic government might sometimes be justified. This comment was made during the 2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt.
Multiple studies in 2016 examined ethnic components to coups, the impact of protests, and electoral weakness. One study found that coups become more likely in the wake of elections in autocracies when the results reveal electoral weakness for the incumbent autocrat. Another 2016 study finds that inequality between social classes increases the likelihood of coups.
Research from 2016 suggests that increased repression and violence typically follow both successful and unsuccessful coup attempts.
Two 2016 studies found that leaders involved in militarized confrontations and conflicts were less likely to face a coup.
A 2017 study found that autocratic leaders whose states were involved in international rivalries over disputed territory were more likely to be overthrown in a coup.
According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighboring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region. A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories.
As of 2017, there was an argument that failed coups might motivate a regime to reform and reduce repression. However, data suggests that coups that fail, or merely shuffle leadership without systemic change, generally do not change the amount of repression.
As of 2017, there was ongoing debate whether coups in autocracies promote democratization, or worsen chances of democratization, noting democratic countries often rebound from coups quickly. However, coups in democracies are a sign of poor political health, and increase the risk of future coups and loss of democracy.
In 2017, Connor and Hebditch analyzed the political, military, and social factors that cause the military to intervene in civilian government, categorizing coups into breakthrough coups, guardian coups, and veto coups.
In 2017, a study found that negative international responses, especially from powerful actors, have a significant effect in shortening the duration of regimes created in coups.
In 2017, a study found that the use of state broadcasting by the putschist regime after Mali's 2012 coup did not elevate explicit approval for the regime.
A 2018 study found no evidence of regional contagion, meaning that one coup does not make subsequent coups more likely.
A 2018 study found that "oil price shocks are seen to promote coups in onshore-intensive oil countries, while preventing them in offshore-intensive oil countries".
A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders.
A 2019 study found that civilian-recruited coups become more likely when a country's politics is polarized and electoral competition is low.
A 2019 study found that regional rebellions made coups by the military more likely.
A 2019 study found that states that had recently signed civil war peace agreements were more likely to experience coups, especially when those agreements jeopardized the interests of the military.
A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes because they have weak institutions and narrow support bases.
According to a 2019 study, coup attempts lead to a reduction in physical integrity rights.
A 2020 study found that elections had a two-sided impact on coup attempts, depending on the state of the economy. During periods of economic expansion, elections reduced the likelihood of coup attempts, whereas elections during economic crises increased the likelihood of coup attempts.
According to a 2020 study, coups increase the cost of borrowing and increase the likelihood of sovereign default.
In 2020, Djuve et al. reported evidence that low income and slow or negative growth predict a higher likelihood of regime breakdown. Additionally, they found that intermediate democracy levels predict coup-induced breakdowns and incumbent-guided transitions.
A 2021 study found that hybrid regimes are more vulnerable to coups than very authoritarian or democratic states and democratic regimes were not substantially more likely to experience coups.
From 1946 to the beginning of 2021, approximately 148 self-coup attempts occurred, with 110 in autocracies and 38 in democracies.
In 2021, research indicated that coups by ruling elites primarily maintain authoritarian governance, while coups by non-elite actors often lead to the collapse of the authoritarian regime, thus opening a path for democratic transition.
In their 2022 book Revolution and Dictatorship: The Violent Origins of Durable Authoritarianism, political scientists Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way found that political-military fusion, where the ruling party is highly interlinked with the military and created the administrative structures of the military from its inception, is extremely effective at preventing military coups.
A 2023 study suggests that major coup datasets tend to over-rely on international news sources, which can bias the included events. The study indicated a need for regional and local sources when attempting to gather data on coup plots and rumors.
In 2023, the Wagner Group rebellion has been described as a putsch.
A 2024 IMF paper found that the probability of a coup d'état is immediately elevated by acute exogenous shocks, including compromised economic growth, deterioration of the external financial position, and elevated levels of generalized and food price inflation. A destabilized political and internal security environment serves as a potent proximal trigger for coup attempts.
A 2024 study found that civilian elites are more likely to instigate military coups, while civilians embedded in social networks are more likely to consolidate them.
A 2025 study challenges earlier findings, showing that coup dynamics can be contagious, primarily through post-coup trajectories that reshape the abilities and incentives of would-be plotters.
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