Resilience and perseverance in the journey of Cesar Chavez. A timeline of obstacles and growth.
Cesar Chavez was a prominent American labor leader and civil rights activist who co-founded the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), which later became the United Farm Workers (UFW). His ideology blended left-wing politics with Catholic social teachings, advocating for the rights and fair treatment of farmworkers. Alongside Dolores Huerta and Gilbert Padilla, Chavez dedicated his life to improving working conditions and wages for agricultural laborers, becoming a significant figure in the American labor movement.
In 1939, the Chavez family's house and land were sold at auction, which Chavez regarded as an injustice against his family, and was a seminal experience.
In early 1957, Cesar Chavez moved to Brawley to rebuild the Community Service Organization (CSO) chapter there. The FBI began monitoring Chavez and opened a file on him.
In September 1965, Filipino American farm workers initiated the Delano grape strike, and Chavez and his supporters voted to support them. Picketers protested, and growers sought to provoke them. Chavez insisted on non-violence. Donations were collected to support those arrested.
By 1965, the number of picketers had declined, so Chavez invited left-wing activists to join them.
In 1965, Chavez began organizing strikes among farmworkers, most notably the Delano grape strike.
In June 1966, after contract negotiations, Chavez ended the Schenley boycott and targeted DiGiorgio Corporation. An election among DiGiorgio workers resulted in a Teamster victory after DiGiorgio altered the terms. Chavez appealed to Governor Pat Brown.
In June 1967, Chavez launched a purge of the union, ostensibly to remove communists. Tensions between Chavez and the Teatro led to the Teatro splitting from the union.
In August 1967, Chavez announced a strike against Giumarra followed by a boycott of their grapes.
In February 1968, Chavez began a fast to reaffirm his commitment to peaceful protest. Masses were held at Forty Acres, attracting supporters and clergy. Doctors urged him to end the fast after three weeks.
In February 1968, the Giumarra company obtained a contempt citation against the union, claiming threatening and intimidating behavior and property damage.
In 1968, Fred Hirsch observed that Cesar Chavez took full responsibility for as much of the operation as he was physically capable of, making all the decisions himself.
In July 1970, Chavez was angered when the Grower-Shipper Association in California's Salinas Valley renegotiated contracts with the Teamsters. He traveled to Salinas to address dissatisfied lettuce cutters and led them to strike against the Teamsters' representation.
In 1970, after 5 years of organizing, the Delano grape strike, led by Cesar Chavez, concluded.
Amid growing frustrations with Chavez's leadership, Itliong resigned in October 1971.
In 1972, Chavez believed that any strike undertaken by agricultural workers could be undermined by "wetbacks" and "illegal immigrants". Chavez launched the "Illegals Campaign" to identify illegal migrants for deportation, claiming the CIA was part of a conspiracy to bring them in as strikebreakers.
In early 1972, Richard Chavez confronted Cesar about the UFW losing support in Delano, leading to his reassignment. Concerns arose about monthly dues, the Salinas strikers' fund, and inexperienced volunteers. Later in 1972, Richard and Huerta briefly left the UFW due to frustration.
In April 1973, Chavez called a strike in the Coachella Valley as the UFW's contract with grape growers expired. The Teamsters union organized counter-protests, leading to violent clashes. The AFL-CIO provided the UFW with renewed financial support in exchange for pushing for state legislation to govern farmworkers' rights.
By 1973, the UFW had lost most of the contracts and membership it won during the late 1960s, due to Chavez's isolation and emphasis on unrelenting campaigning.
By 1974, the UFW was broke and its boycott was floundering. Chavez flew to Europe to urge unions there to block imported goods, and he met with Pope Paul VI in Rome, who commended his activism.
In November 1976, Nick Jones resigned under pressure, expressing concerns about Chavez's leadership direction. Joe Smith was also fired, and Chavez ordered interrogations to identify alleged malcontents, creating a McCarthyite-style atmosphere within the UFW.
In November 1976, Proposition 14, aimed at enshrining farmworkers' rights in California's constitution, was defeated by a two-to-one margin. Despite concerns from Chavez and Brown, the UFW had devoted resources to the 'vote yes' campaign. This defeat was taken by Chavez as a personal rejection.
In February 1977, Cesar Chavez took the UFW's executive board to the Synanon compound, where they participated in "the Game", a therapy system involving harsh criticism. Chavez then implemented it at La Paz to shape behavior and punish nonconformity.
In April 1977, at a meeting in La Paz, later called "the Monday Night Massacre", Cesar Chavez verbally abused and ejected individuals he deemed malcontents or spies. Philip Vera Cruz, an executive board member, was also forced out after being accused of being part of the conspiracy.
In 1977, Chavez visited the Philippines as a guest of President Ferdinand Marcos, receiving an award and an honorary doctorate. He then spoke positively about Marcos' introduction of martial law to The Washington Post. This generated outcry in the U.S. because of Marcos' human rights abuses and eroded support among religious organizations.
In 1977, the UFW's lawyers asked for a raise, which lead to the discussion about whether the UFW should start paying wages to everyone or instead continue to rely on volunteers. The executive committee split, with the older members narrowly prevailing to remain a voluntary organization. Also in 1977, contributions to the UFW's political fund became mandatory for members.
In June 1978, Cesar Chavez joined a picket in Yuma as part of his cousin's Arizona melon strike. He broke an injunction and was jailed for a night.
By September 1978, the UFW faced growing anger from vegetable workers, resulting in the union losing two-thirds of the 22 farmworker elections that took place between June and September 1978.
In 1979, the UFW led a strike against the Maggio company, during which the union carried out illegal actions.
In May 1981, at a meeting at La Paz, Cesar Chavez insisted that the UFW was being infiltrated by spies. He arranged for more loyalists to be put on the executive board, which now had no farmworkers sitting on it.
At the UFW's Fresno convention in September 1981, paid representatives nominated their own choices to go on the board, rather than Chavez's. Chavez's supporters responded with leaflets claiming that the paid representatives were puppets of "the two Jews", bringing allegations of antisemitism against Chavez. Chavez proposed a measure that representatives of a ranch would be obliged to vote for Chavez's chosen candidates if 8% of workers at the ranch signed a petition. The measure passed.
In 1981, Chavez spoke about the convention facing yet another menacing assault on the union clandestinely organized by evil forces that were visible and invisible who wanted to destroy the union.
In 1982, Jerry Brown ceased to be governor of California and was replaced by the Republican George Deukmejian, who had the backing of the state's growers; under Deukmejian, the ALRB's influence eroded.
In 1982, membership dues brought in $2.9 million.
In January 1983, UFW contracts covered 30,000 jobs.
By January 1986, UFW contracts had fallen to 15,000 jobs.
In 1987, the UFW was found liable for $1.7 million in damages to the Maggio company for the illegal actions that the union carried out against it during their 1979 strike.
In July 1988, Cesar Chavez launched another public fast at Forty Acres as the UFW's boycott of Bruce Church products failed to gain traction. Three of Robert Kennedy's children visited, generating media attention for the fast.
In 1988, a jury returned a $5.4 million verdict against the UFW in a libel case with Bruce Church, but this verdict was later thrown out in the appeals court.
In January 1989, Hartmire resigned from La Paz after purges instigated by Chavez, who accused more people of being saboteurs.
In 1993, Cesar Chavez was called to testify in front of a Yuma court in the legal battle between the UFW and Bruce Church, a case with potentially devastating financial consequences for the union.
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