Fascism is an extreme right-wing political ideology characterized by authoritarianism, ultranationalism, and a dictatorial leadership style. It emphasizes militarism, suppresses opposition, and promotes the idea of natural social hierarchy, where individual interests are secondary to the perceived good of the nation or race. Fascism is fundamentally opposed to ideologies such as anarchism, democracy, liberalism, socialism, and Marxism, placing it on the far-right of the political spectrum.
In 1908, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti founded the Manifesto of Futurism in Italy, advocating for modernism and political violence while rejecting liberalism and conventional democracy.
In 1908, Georges Sorel published 'Reflections on Violence,' advocating for political violence and a revolutionary political religion to overthrow capitalism through a general strike, influencing later right-wing movements.
By 1909, Georges Sorel and his followers abandoned the radical left, aligning with the radical right, seeking to merge Catholicism with French patriotism, marking a significant ideological shift.
In 1910, Georges Sorel announced his departure from socialist literature, marking a complete ideological shift from his earlier revisionist Marxist views.
In October 1914, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed the Revolutionary Fasces of International Action, a pro-interventionist fascio, marking early fascist movements supporting World War I intervention.
In 1914, Georges Sorel declared socialism dead due to the 'decomposition of Marxism,' further solidifying his shift towards reactionary nationalism and away from socialist ideologies.
In 1914, Georges Valois, founder of the first non-Italian fascist party, claimed that fascism's roots were in the totalitarian aspects of the late 18th-century Jacobin movement, foreshadowing the fascist state.
In 1914, amidst the outbreak of war, German sociologist Johann Plenge observed the rise of "National Socialism" in Germany, a movement challenging the "ideas of 1789" (French Revolution) with the "ideas of 1914." Plenge argued for a shift from individual liberties to "German values" such as duty and order. He envisioned a racially homogenous society (Volksgemeinschaft) transcending class divisions, where a socialist system, led by a technocratic elite, would serve the entirety of Germany.
Mussolini denounced supercapitalism, which he claimed began in 1914, as a decadent failure promoting consumerism and standardization. This criticism was part of his broader economic agenda during the Great Depression.
In January 1915, the first meeting of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action took place, where Mussolini stressed the urgency for Europe to address its national issues. He advocated for the resolution of border disputes, including those of Italy, to promote justice and liberty for oppressed populations. He believed in their right to be part of their ancestral communities.
In 1915, Benito Mussolini claimed to have founded the Fasces of Revolutionary Action in Italy. This political organization marked the beginnings of Italian fascist movements, emphasizing strength through unity with its symbolism derived from the ancient Roman fasces.
In 1915, the term 'fascism' was first used by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action, marking the formal naming of this political ideology.
The October Revolution of 1917, which saw the Bolsheviks seize power in Russia, significantly influenced the development of fascism. Initially, Mussolini spoke favorably of the revolution. However, he later became disillusioned with Lenin, viewing him as another autocratic ruler in the mold of Tsar Nicholas II.
In 1918, historian George Mosse analyzed fascism as an inheritor of the mass ideology and civil religion from the French Revolution, as well as a product of societal brutalization from 1914 to 1918.
In June 1919, Alceste De Ambris and Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, the leader of the futurist movement, drafted "The Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat." This manifesto, published in the fascist publication "Il Popolo d'Italia," advocated for universal suffrage, proportional representation, and a corporatist system of governance. It also called for worker rights, economic reforms, and an expansionist foreign policy.
By 1919, the conflict between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist fascists escalated, leading to an irreparable rift. The fascists positioned themselves as staunch opponents of communism, particularly Marxism. In the same year, Mussolini solidified his control over the fascist movement, now known as Sansepolcrismo, by establishing the Italian Fasces of Combat.
In 1919, Mussolini made antisemitic remarks, claiming that Jewish bankers in London and New York were racially linked to Russian Bolsheviks, with Jews comprising a significant portion of the Bolshevik leadership. These statements were part of sporadic antisemitic rhetoric within Italian fascism before a firm commitment to antisemitism emerged in the late 1930s.
The year 1919, part of the "Red Year" period (1919-1920), was marked by peak worker unrest in Italy. Mussolini and the fascists seized this opportunity to form alliances with industrialists. They presented themselves as a force for order, justifying their attacks on workers and farmers as a means to restore peace.
In 1920, Marcus Garvey, leader of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, was noted for employing tactics that resembled those used by fascist leaders later, according to C. L. R. James.
The year 1920, part of the "Red Year" period (1919-1920), was marked by peak worker unrest in Italy. Mussolini and the fascists seized this opportunity to form alliances with industrialists. They presented themselves as a force for order, justifying their attacks on workers and farmers as a means to restore peace.
Two significant events in 1920 influenced Italian fascists: Gabriele d'Annunzio's raid on Fiume and the subsequent establishment of the Charter of Carnaro. The Charter, advocating for national-syndicalist corporatism, was seen by many fascists as a model for a fascist Italian constitution. The aggression towards Yugoslavia and South Slavs during the Fiume raid set a precedent for the persecution of these groups, especially Slovenes and Croats, by Italian fascists.
In 1921, Marcus Garvey continued practices that would later be recognized as similar to those of fascist regimes, as noted by C. L. R. James, highlighting Garvey's innovative yet controversial leadership style.
In 1921, the fascist movement in Italy saw a significant increase in membership, growing from a small group of around a thousand members to approximately 250,000. This growth was attributed to fascism's accommodation of the political right, which attracted support from centre-right voters who were disillusioned with traditional parties and saw fascism as a defense against socialism.
In October 1922, the Fascist Party held its congress in Naples, where Mussolini orchestrated the "March on Rome." Blackshirts seized public buildings and trains, leading to Mussolini's appointment as Prime Minister by King Victor Emmanuel III, who sought to avoid bloodshed. This event was propagandized as a heroic "seizure" of power by the Fascists.
Beginning in 1922, fascist paramilitaries in Italy intensified their actions from attacking socialist offices to violently occupying cities. They faced little resistance from authorities and succeeded in taking over several northern Italian cities, including attacking labor union headquarters in Cremona and imposing forced Italianization in Bolzano. Plans were also made to seize Rome.
In November 1923, inspired by the March on Rome, Adolf Hitler and Erich Ludendorff attempted a coup in Germany, known as the Beer Hall Putsch. The putsch failed, but it highlighted the growing international influence of Italian fascism.
On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Italian parliament, declaring himself dictator of Italy. He took full responsibility for the government and announced the dismissal of parliament, marking the consolidation of fascist power.
By December 1925, Mussolini had further entrenched his power in Italy, introducing censorship and making himself solely responsible to the King, while denying opposition deputies access to parliament.
In 1925, the Fascist government in Italy partially implemented women's suffrage, a goal previously outlined in the Fascist Manifesto. This move, however, coincided with the suppression of all opposition parties.
In 1925, the fascist regime in Italy established a corporatist economic system through the Palazzo Vidoni Pact. This agreement recognized fascist trade unions and banned non-fascist ones, leading to the creation of the Ministry of Corporations.
In a strategic move to gain the support of Italian conservatives, fascism significantly altered its political platform. It abandoned its earlier populist, republican, and anti-clerical stances. Instead, it embraced policies supporting free enterprise and acknowledged the Catholic Church and the monarchy as integral institutions in Italy. To further appease conservatives, the fascist regime promoted traditional family values. This included policies designed to limit women's roles to primarily being mothers and reducing their presence in the workforce. By 1926, the fascist government outlawed birth control literature, increased penalties for abortion, and classified both as crimes against the state.
In 1927, Mussolini's regime introduced the Charter of Labour, detailing workers' rights and duties and establishing labor tribunals. However, the corporatist system remained under strict regime control, with employee organizations led by Fascist party members.
In 1929, Mussolini's fascist regime signed the Lateran Treaty with the Catholic Church, granting the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation. However, relations quickly deteriorated, leading to Church condemnation of fascism.
In 1929, the fascist regime solidified its power with the Lateran Treaty, temporarily gaining the Catholic Church's support by granting it state sovereignty and financial compensation. However, the relationship soured within two years, with the Church condemning fascism in an encyclical.
Between 1930 and 1933, Leon Trotsky developed a theory of fascism, using a dialectical interpretation of events to analyze the rise of Italian fascism and the emergence of Nazi Germany.
From 1931 to 1933, Peru was governed by the fascist Revolutionary Union party, marking a period of authoritarian rule in the country.
In 1931, Francisco Franco's regime began suppressing democratic institutions in Spain, leading to significant political repression and censorship.
In 1932, Hungarian fascist leader Gyula Gömbös became Prime Minister, aiming to solidify his Party of National Unity across Hungary. He introduced labor reforms and pursued an expansionist economic agenda.
Between 1930 and 1933, Leon Trotsky developed a theory of fascism, using a dialectical interpretation of events to analyze the rise of Italian fascism and the emergence of Nazi Germany.
In 1933, Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party rose to power in Germany, leading to the establishment of a fascist regime. This shift marked the end of the Weimar Republic and the beginning of Nazi Germany's expansionist and racially discriminatory policies.
In 1933, the Iron Guard, a fascist movement in Romania, gained significant political support and representation in the Romanian government. This increase in power marked it as the only fascist movement outside Germany and Italy to rise without foreign help.
The rule of the fascist Revolutionary Union party in Peru ended in 1933, marking the conclusion of its brief period in power.
In February 1934, France experienced significant domestic political turmoil, marked by riots in Paris led by the fascist Francist Movement and other far-right groups. This unrest was the most severe since the Dreyfus Affair and resulted in major political violence.
In July 1934, Portuguese leader Salazar abolished Rolão Preto's National Syndicalists, the closest thing Portugal had to a fascist movement. Instead of adopting fascism, Salazar preferred to control the population through traditional 'organic' institutions like the Church. Historians debate whether his regime, Estado Novo, was para-fascist.
By 1934, Italy's state intervention in the economy, through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction, surpassed that of Nazi Germany. This extensive control was second only to Stalin's Russia, as estimated by political historian Martin Blinkhorn.
In 1934, Italian Fascism's stance towards German Nazism shifted to opposition following the assassination of Austrian leader Engelbert Dollfuss by Austrian Nazis. Initially supportive of Hitler's rise, this event marked a temporary divergence in their relationship.
In 1934, Mussolini claimed that three-fourths of Italy's economy was under state control, highlighting the extent of state intervention in both industrial and agricultural sectors in Fascist Italy.
In 1934, Mussolini declared that the employment of women was a major issue contributing to unemployment, suggesting that women's primary role should be childbearing. He proposed that the solution to unemployment for men was the removal of women from the workforce. The Italian Fascist government promoted policies to honor women as 'reproducers of the nation' and provided financial incentives for raising large families.
In 1934, tensions erupted between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy following the assassination of Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss. Mussolini and Italian fascists rejected Nazi racial theories, especially Nordicism, while promoting Mediterraneanism. Mussolini argued against the notion that Italy was racially divided, emphasizing the assimilation of Germanic tribes into Roman culture. This period marked a height of antagonism between the two regimes over racial ideologies.
Amidst the Great Depression in 1935, the National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands gained significant support, capturing nearly eight percent of the votes. This marked its highest point of influence during the decade.
In 1935, Italy invaded Ethiopia, leading to condemnation by the League of Nations and diplomatic isolation. This marked a significant moment in Italy's aggressive foreign policy during the 1930s.
In 1935, Nazi Germany expanded the legality of abortion under its eugenics law to allow abortions for women with hereditary disorders, promoting abortion in cases involving racial hygiene. The law permitted abortion with a woman's consent if the fetus was non-viable, part of a broader eugenics program influenced by Weimar Germany's biomedical model.
In 1935, Walter Benjamin published 'The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,' identifying the aestheticization of politics as crucial to fascist regimes. He quoted Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, who aestheticized war in his writings, claiming 'war is beautiful.'
By 1937, the influence of the National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands started to diminish, ending its peak period from the mid-1930s.
In 1937, Mussolini's Italy made the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction a permanent entity. This organization aimed to promote national autarky and supported state control over private enterprises to enhance war production.
In 1937, the Brazilian Integralists, led by Plínio Salgado, faced government suppression following their coup attempts. This crackdown was part of the broader authoritarian measures by the Estado Novo regime under Getúlio Vargas.
In 1938, C. L. R. James remarked that Marcus Garvey's methods in the early 1920s foreshadowed the actions of fascist leaders like Hitler, emphasizing the influence and contentious nature of Garvey's leadership.
In 1938, Mussolini declared that Italian fascism had always been antisemitic upon Italy's adoption of antisemitic laws. This claim was historically inaccurate as Italian fascism only endorsed antisemitism in the late 1930s to align with Nazi Germany. Prior to this, many Jewish Italians held senior positions in the fascist regime. The adoption of these laws faced opposition from within, highlighting a lack of uniform antisemitic sentiment in Italian fascism at the time.
In 1938, Mussolini's regime in Italy established the Direzione Generale per la Cinematografi to promote fascism through film. By halting Hollywood imports, subsidizing domestic production, and keeping ticket prices low, Italian cinema flourished. The regime used state-run media to praise Mussolini and censored opposing voices.
In 1938, the National Socialist Movement of Chile attempted a coup d'état, leading to the Seguro Obrero massacre. This event highlighted the violent and tumultuous political climate in Chile during the 1930s.
Between 1939 and 1941, Juan Perón developed a deep admiration for Italian Fascism, which influenced his economic policies and political approach in Argentina.
By 1939, Nazi Germany had provided assistance to over 17 million Germans through the National Socialist People's Welfare (NSV), which was racially selective in its support. The NSV was feared among the poorest due to its intrusive methods to judge eligibility for aid.
By 1941, Juan Perón had solidified his admiration for Italian Fascism, shaping the economic policies he would later implement in Argentina. This period was crucial in the development of his political ideology.
In 1943, Mussolini was deposed and arrested following Italy's military failures and the Allied invasion. Italy switched allegiance to the Allies, marking a dramatic shift in the war's dynamics.
In 1944, George Orwell observed the misuse of the term 'fascism' in politics, noting its application to various unrelated movements and positions, rendering the term almost meaningless in English political discourse.
In April 1945, Mussolini was executed by Italian partisans, and shortly after, Hitler committed suicide. These events marked the imminent collapse of the Axis powers in Europe.
Starting in November 1945, the Nuremberg Trials were held to prosecute Nazi leaders for war crimes. These trials marked a significant moment in international law and accountability.
By 1945, Nazi Germany was facing defeat, with Allied offensives from both the Soviet and Western fronts. Mussolini was leading the Italian Social Republic, a German client state, as the war neared its conclusion.
In 1945, following the end of World War II, fascism was largely disgraced globally. Few political parties openly identified with fascism, and the term became a pejorative used by political opponents. Contemporary parties with ideologies similar to 20th-century fascist movements are sometimes described as neo-fascist or post-fascist. Opposition groups have adopted the label 'anti-fascist' or 'antifa' to indicate their stance against fascism.
In 1946, George Orwell further critiqued the term 'fascism,' stating it had lost its meaning, other than signifying something undesirable, due to its widespread misuse.
In 1946, Juan Perón rose to power in Argentina, with a regime influenced by Italian Fascism in its economic policies. However, the classification of Perón's regime as fascist is debated among historians due to differing interpretations of his political stance.
In 1946, debates arose about whether Stalinist Russia could be equated with fascist regimes like Nazi Germany, as suggested by Herbert Matthews of The New York Times. J. Edgar Hoover also referred to red fascism, reflecting the contentious use of the term 'fascist' to describe Communist states.
By 1949, the Nuremberg Trials concluded, having tried numerous Nazi leaders for war crimes. Many were convicted and executed, setting a precedent for international justice.
In 1955, Juan Perón's presidency in Argentina came to an end. His political approach, associated with Peronism, remained influenced by his earlier admiration for Italian Fascism, though the characterization of his regime as fascist is contested by some historians.
In 1973, Juan Perón returned to power in Argentina. His political ideology, Peronism, had elements influenced by Italian Fascism, though the label of fascism remains disputed among scholars.
In 1974, Juan Perón, the influential leader of Argentina, passed away. His leadership was marked by the development of Peronism, which some argue was influenced by fascist policies, though this characterization is debated.
In her 1974 book, Rachele Mussolini, the widow of Benito Mussolini, revealed that her husband was irreligious for most of his life, contradicting earlier perceptions of his relationship with the Catholic Church.
Following the death of Francisco Franco in 1975, Spain transitioned from a one-party fascist state to a liberal democracy, marking a significant political shift.
In 2000, Richard Griffiths from the University of Wales commented on the overuse and misuse of the term 'fascism,' noting its application to various post-World War II organizations and ideologies often labeled as neo-fascist.
In 2003, historian Adrian Lyttelton analyzed the expansion of fascism in rural Italy, noting that it was driven by the reaction of farmers and landowners against the peasant leagues of Socialists and Catholics. This response facilitated the growth of fascist influence in rural areas.
In 2008, the Italian Social Movement, which had transitioned into the National Alliance, joined forces with Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia to form a new political party, The People of Freedom.
In 2012, a group of politicians split from The People of Freedom and refounded the party as Brothers of Italy, continuing the legacy of neo-fascist movements in Italy.
In 2013, following the murder of an anti-fascist musician, the Greek government arrested Golden Dawn's leader Nikolaos Michaloliakos and other members, charging them with association with a criminal organization.
In 2018, Jason Stanley published his book 'How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them,' providing a contemporary definition and analysis of fascism, highlighting its characteristics and relevance in modern politics.
On 7 October 2020, the Athens Appeals Court delivered verdicts against 68 defendants of the Golden Dawn party, including its leadership. They were found guilty of running a criminal organization and engaging in violent acts against minorities and political opponents.
A 2020 study by Daron Acemoğlu and colleagues explored the connection between the threat of socialism and Mussolini's rise to power. The research highlighted a strong association between the Italian Red Scare and local support for the Fascist Party in the early 1920s, driven by local elites and landowners seeking to curb socialism's influence.
In 2020, Jason Stanley noted that global events, including the COVID-19 pandemic and racial unrest in the United States, exemplified the resurgence of fascist rhetoric in global politics and policies.
By 2022, the observation of fascist rhetoric in politics remained significant as ongoing global events continued to reflect concerns highlighted by Jason Stanley in his analysis of fascism.
In 2023, Oleg Orlov from the Human Rights Center 'Memorial' claimed that Russia under Vladimir Putin had turned fascist, alleging mass murder by the army, sparking significant controversy.
On 7 March 2024, during his State of the Union Address, President Joe Biden compared Russia under Vladimir Putin to Hitler's conquests of Europe, reflecting heightened tensions and accusations of authoritarianism.