Gerrymandering is the manipulation of electoral district boundaries to give an unfair advantage to a particular party or group. It can involve "cracking" (splitting a group's voting power) or "packing" (concentrating their voting power). This practice undermines fair elections by allowing politicians to choose their voters instead of the other way around.
In 1905, when Alberta and Saskatchewan joined Confederation, federal Liberal cabinet members strategically designed the provincial district boundaries outlined in the Alberta and Saskatchewan Acts to favor the election of provincial Liberal governments.
In a strategic move to secure a safe district for the Theotokis party, the Piraeus electoral district was established in 1906. This act, considered an early instance of gerrymandering in Greek history, highlights how electoral boundaries can be manipulated for political advantage, even before the formal introduction of national ballots and organized parties.
Legislative districts were established in the Philippines in 1907, forming the basis for congressional districts in the future.
In 1911, Stephen Gwynn noted the impact of the 1898 Local Government (Ireland) Act, highlighting practices of patronage and favoritism in local government.
Gerrymandering in local elections was introduced in Northern Ireland in 1923 by the Leech Commission, significantly impacting electoral boundaries and representation.
The 1924 Londonderry County Borough Council election saw the impact of newly drawn electoral boundaries, reducing Nationalist representation and leading to consistent Unionist control.
Following the adoption of the 1926 Constitution, Greece saw the emergence of organized parties participating in national ballots. This marked a turning point in Greek politics, as it paved the way for a more structured party system and, consequently, opened the door for potential gerrymandering practices in future elections.
In 1929, the Stormont government in Northern Ireland changed the electoral system from STV to a single-member first past the post system, a move some scholars argue was intended to under-represent Nationalists.
With the establishment of the Second Spanish Republic in 1931, Spain moved to align constituency boundaries with province boundaries, eliminating previous instances of gerrymandering, such as those in Vilademuls and Torroella de Montgrí.
The Labor government in South Australia, drawing its support from rural areas, introduced a system of malapportionment in the 1930s-1950s. This strategy aimed to give more weight to rural votes and helped them maintain power from 1932 to 1957.
Sir Thomas Playford assumed the position of Premier of South Australia in 1938, marking the start of his long tenure that lasted until 1965. His time in office was characterized by a system of malapportionment.
In a move widely seen as an attempt to curb the rise of the Clann na Poblachta party, the Fianna Fáil government under Éamon de Valera introduced the Electoral (Amendment) Act in 1947. This act, criticized as a blatant gerrymander, increased the size of the Dáil and the number of three-seat constituencies, aiming to dilute the opposition's potential gains in the upcoming election.
The 1948 general election in South Africa, influenced by constitutional provisions favoring rural (white) areas, resulted in the National Party's victory and the implementation of apartheid.
The 1948 Irish general election demonstrated the impact of the previous year's electoral amendment. Clann na Poblachta, despite significant popular support, secured fewer seats than their vote share would have proportionally allowed, highlighting how gerrymandering can distort electoral outcomes.
The 1956 legislative election in Greece provides a significant example of gerrymandering. Deviating from the previous prefecture-based system, the country was divided into districts of varying sizes, designed to favor the right-wing parties. This manipulation of electoral boundaries, where smaller, right-leaning districts had disproportionate representation, underscores the impact of gerrymandering on election outcomes.
Frank Nicklin, leading the Country Party, came into power in South Australia in 1957. Notably, his government chose to retain the existing system of malapportionment, which worked in their favor.
Since gaining independence in 1957, Malaysia has grappled with the issue of gerrymandering, with accusations frequently leveled against the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition for manipulating electoral boundaries to maintain their grip on power. This enduring practice has had a significant impact on the country's political landscape.
The Labor government's dominance in South Australia, aided by their malapportionment strategy that began in the 1930s, came to an end in 1957. This shift in power marked a turning point in the state's political landscape.
France underwent a regime change in 1958, which led to the redrawing of electoral districts, a practice often associated with gerrymandering.
By 1960, the state of Alabama's refusal to redraw legislative districts for over 60 years resulted in a situation where a mere quarter of the population held the majority of legislative seats, showcasing a severe case of malapportionment.
The 1962 Bahamian general election, the first to implement universal suffrage, raised concerns about potential gerrymandering. Despite receiving a larger share of the votes, the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) won significantly fewer seats in the House of Assembly than the United Bahamian Party (UBP). This disparity between votes and seats suggested possible manipulation of electoral boundaries.
In a significant move towards fair elections, the Canadian federal government, in 1964, handed over the responsibility of drawing boundaries for federal electoral districts to Elections Canada, a non-partisan agency that reports to the Parliament rather than the government of the day.
The 1964 Supreme Court case, Reynolds v. Sims, effectively ended the practice of using fixed districts for state legislatures in the United States. The ruling established the "one man, one vote" principle, aiming for equal representation in the voting process.
Sir Thomas Playford's tenure as Premier of South Australia concluded in 1965, ending his long run that began in 1938. He governed under a system of malapportionment that favored certain areas over others.
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 brought about federal protections against gerrymandering aimed at disenfranchising racial or ethnic minorities. The act led to the creation of "majority-minority" districts to enhance minority representation and redress historic discrimination.
The 1967 election in Northern Ireland highlighted the impact of the single-winner electoral system, with both Unionist and Nationalist parties over-represented and smaller parties like the Northern Ireland Labour Party and Independents significantly under-represented.
Joh Bjelke-Petersen took on the role of Premier of Queensland in 1968, marking the beginning of his leadership. During his time, he further manipulated the existing malapportionment and gerrymandering tactics, later known as the "Bjelkemander."
The Londonderry County Borough Council was replaced by the unelected Londonderry Development Commission in 1969, ending the Unionist control that had been maintained despite a Nationalist majority in the city.
The UK government imposed Direct Rule in Northern Ireland in 1972, ending the Unionist control of several county councils that had persisted despite Nationalist majority populations.
After Westminster reintroduced direct rule in Northern Ireland in 1973, the single transferable vote (STV) system was restored for elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly the following year.
A military government took control of Chile in 1973, marking the beginning of a period of authoritarian rule.
As early as 1974, malapportionment, a form of gerrymandering where constituencies have vastly different numbers of voters, was evident in Malaysia. Observations from the state of Perak revealed significant discrepancies in voter representation, indicating a deliberate manipulation of the electoral system.
In 1974, James Tully, the Minister for Local Government, attempted to use the Electoral (Amendment) Act to secure a parliamentary majority for the governing Fine Gael–Labour Party National Coalition. This planned manipulation of constituency boundaries, aimed at maximizing the coalition's seat count, ultimately backfired, leading to unexpected consequences in the 1977 election.
Contrary to James Tully's plan, the 1977 Irish general election resulted in a landslide victory for Fianna Fáil. The attempted gerrymandering, meant to favor the governing coalition, backfired significantly. This event led to the term "Tullymandering," signifying a failed attempt to manipulate electoral boundaries for political gain.
In 1978, the new Spanish Constitution reestablished fixed provincial constituencies, making gerrymandering in general elections impossible and minimizing manipulation of representation.
Since 1978, Spain's constitution has fixed constituency boundaries, removing the possibility of gerrymandering.
The 1980 Constitution in Chile established a system of appointed senators, making it challenging for any single political faction to unilaterally amend the Constitution.
In 1981, an informal agreement between Republicans and Democrats in New York gave each party control over redistricting for one chamber of the legislature, resulting in less competitive elections.
Starting in 1981, Kuwait's electoral system, with 25 districts, was designed to over-represent government supporters, primarily from tribal groups. This period highlights how gerrymandering can be used to maintain political power and limit the influence of opposition groups within a country's political landscape.
The 1981 election in Malta saw the Labour Party secure victory despite the Nationalist Party receiving a higher share of the popular vote. This outcome was largely attributed to gerrymandering, highlighting how manipulated electoral boundaries can directly influence election results.
The 1986 election in Queensland provided a stark illustration of the effects of gerrymandering. The National Party, despite securing a lower percentage of the first preference votes, managed to win a significantly larger number of seats in Parliament compared to the Labor Opposition.
In 1987, the Philippines enacted a new constitution, which included provisions for congressional districts based on a 1907 ordinance and granted Congress the power to create new districts.
In response to the controversial 1981 election, Malta implemented a constitutional amendment in 1987. This amendment aimed to prevent future occurrences of disproportionate election results by introducing compensatory seats, ensuring a closer reflection of the actual vote share in the final seat tally.
In 1987, Joh Bjelke-Petersen's time as Premier of Queensland ended in disgrace as he was forced to resign due to a major corruption scandal revealed by the Fitzgerald Inquiry. This event led to the prosecution and imprisonment of several Country Party members and marked a significant shift in Queensland's political landscape.
Charles Pasqua, in 1987, implemented a redrawing of electoral districts in France, which became known for its effectiveness in giving an advantage to a particular party.
A national plebiscite was held in Chile in October 1988 to decide the future of the military government that had ruled since 1973. Opponents of General Augusto Pinochet voted "NO" for democratic elections, while supporters voted "YES" to keep him in power.
In 1988, Chile saw the creation of 60 districts for its Chamber of Deputies. This involved grouping neighboring communes within the same region, with each district electing two deputies.
Despite the design of the districts, the center-left opposition in Chile managed to secure both seats in 12 out of 60 districts in the 1989 parliamentary election, thereby gaining control of 60% of the Chamber of Deputies.
The opposition in Chile secured 22 senate seats in the 1989 election, even winning both seats in three out of 19 constituencies. However, the presence of unelected senators limited their overall control.
After the reinstatement of democracy in 1990, Nepal experienced a period marked by gerrymandering. The Nepali Congress, frequently in power, was often accused of manipulating electoral boundaries to maintain its dominance. This practice influenced the country's political landscape until the adoption of a new constitution and the redrawing of constituency boundaries for the constituent assembly.
The military rule in Chile, which had been in place since 1973, came to an end in 1990, paving the way for a return to democracy.
Until 1991, British Columbia employed a mix of single-member and dual-member constituencies to maintain the dominance of the center-right British Columbia Social Credit Party. This practice effectively ended in 1991.
The impact of Pasqua's gerrymandering in France was evident in the 1993 elections, where a party was able to secure 80% of the seats with only 58% of the vote.
The PDS first entered the Bundestag in the 1994 elections by winning three constituencies, demonstrating the impact of this rule in a proportional representation system.
In the 1996 McGinty v Western Australia case, the High Court of Australia upheld the constitutional validity of electoral systems where constituencies within the same system carry different weights. This decision had significant implications for electoral practices in Australia.
Forced by the effects of gerrymandering, the Socialist Party in France had to forge multiple alliances with smaller parties to win the 1997 snap election.
In the 1998 Australian federal election, despite receiving a lower percentage of the two-party-preferred vote, the incumbent Liberal National Coalition government secured more seats in the House of Representatives than the Australian Labor Party. This election outcome, while not primarily attributed to gerrymandering, highlighted the complexities of electoral systems.
Similar to the 1994 elections, the PDS entered the Bundestag again in 1998 by securing three constituencies, further highlighting the rule's significance.
When Germany redrew its electoral constituencies in 2000, the PDS accused the ruling SPD of gerrymandering. They claimed the SPD strategically divided PDS strongholds in East Berlin and merged them with areas in West Berlin to weaken their electoral chances.
In 2000, both major parties in California cooperated in redrawing legislative districts to protect incumbents, resulting in no change in party control in the 2004 election.
The 2000 census data served as the foundation for generating the shortest-splitline redistricting maps released in July 2007. This information provided insights into population shifts and their potential impact on representation.
In 2000, California saw a bipartisan effort to redraw congressional district lines, which resulted in very few changes in congressional seats between 2000 and 2010.
Following the 2000 census, Missouri's redistricting commission, with equal partisan representation, failed to reach a consensus, requiring court intervention to determine district lines.
Due to the alleged gerrymandering in 2000, the PDS lost their third constituency in the 2002 federal election and could only secure two seats. Winning a third constituency would have granted them an additional 25 seats under the German electoral system.
In 2002, only four challengers successfully defeated incumbent members of the U.S. Congress, highlighting the advantage incumbents often have due to gerrymandering.
International election observers criticized the US congressional redistricting process following the 2004 elections. They recommended a review of the procedures to ensure fair and competitive elections.
The 2004 election in California saw no changes in party control of state or federal legislative offices, demonstrating the effectiveness of the 2000 redistricting efforts.
In July 2005, Kuwait implemented electoral reforms, reducing the number of electoral districts from 25 to 5 to prevent gerrymandering and promote fairer representation. However, this led to a parliament dominated by the opposition. Subsequently, the government reversed course, redrawing the boundaries again to create 10 districts, a move widely seen as an attempt to regain control and favor government supporters.
Chile undertook significant constitutional reforms in 2005, one of the key changes being the elimination of unelected senators. However, the electoral map remained largely unaltered.
Ohio's 2005 ballot measure proposing an independent commission for redistricting, focused on creating competitive districts, failed to gain voter approval.
A controversy erupted in Prince Edward Island in 2006 when the provincial government rejected an electoral map prepared by an independent commission. They instead opted for a second map, designed by the governing Progressive Conservative Party, which was widely criticized as gerrymandering.
The term "70/30 district" gained traction in 2006, describing a way to divide evenly split areas into districts that guaranteed each party a seat.
In July 2007, shortest-splitline redistricting maps based on the 2000 census data were made publicly accessible for all 50 states. This development offered a visual representation of redistricting practices across the country.
Despite the alleged gerrymandering in 2007, the Prince Edward Island general election saw only seven out of 20 incumbent Members of the Legislative Assembly being re-elected, and the government was defeated.
In 2007, two new regions were established in Chile. This change led to modifications in the composition of two senatorial constituencies.
In 2008, a referendum in California led to the creation of the California Citizens Redistricting Commission to handle redistricting for state senate and assembly districts.
Sudan's National Elections Act of 2008 established population limits for constituencies to prevent gerrymandering.
A 2009 study found that congressional polarization was primarily driven by differences in how Democrats and Republicans represent the same districts, rather than gerrymandering.
In the 2009 German federal election, Angela Merkel's CDU/CSU party won a disproportionate number of seats due to "Überhangmandate," extra seats awarded when a party wins more constituencies than their overall vote share. This resulted in two rulings from Germany's Federal Constitutional Court, declaring the election laws invalid and demanding a new law to limit such extra seats, ensuring fairer representation in future elections.
India undertook a nationwide delimitation exercise in 2009, redrawing electoral boundaries. While accusations of gerrymandering persist in Indian politics, the 2009 delimitation didn't show conclusive evidence of favoring a specific party, as subsequent elections yielded different results, with both major parties gaining power in alternating cycles.
In May 2010, the Republican National Committee held a redistricting training session emphasizing secrecy in the process.
Ahead of the September 2010 legislative elections in Venezuela, the National Assembly, controlled by Hugo Chávez's political party, amended the electoral law and redrew electoral districts. Despite winning 52% of the overall votes, the opposition parties secured only 67 seats, while Chávez's party won 98 seats with 48% of the votes.
The Redistricting Transparency Act of 2010 was introduced in the US Congress. This act was one of several attempts to make the redistricting process more transparent, with the aim of reducing gerrymandering.
The government of Nicolas Sarkozy created 12 new electoral districts in 2010 specifically for French citizens residing abroad.
In 2010, Pennsylvania underwent redistricting controlled by Republicans, the effects of which were evident in the 2012 election results.
The Constitutional Court of Croatia, in 2010, issued a report stating that the population discrepancies among electoral districts exceeded permissible limits and urged for the redrawing of district boundaries to address the issue.
The 2010 elections in Sudan saw widespread gerrymandering, with constituencies violating the population limits set by the 2008 National Elections Act.
In 2010, a referendum in California granted the power to redraw congressional districts to the California Citizens Redistricting Commission, leading to more competitive districts.
Following the 2010 census, states like Washington, Arizona, and California established non-partisan redistricting commissions to address concerns about gerrymandering and ensure fairer districting processes. Rhode Island and New Jersey also formed similar committees.
In 2011, Wisconsin's legislative districts were redrawn, a process that was later challenged in court and ruled against in 2016.
In 2011, the Republican-controlled legislature in Michigan redrew congressional districts in a way that diluted the impact of Democratic votes in several cities.
János Lázár, a politician from the Fidesz party, put forward a proposal in 2011 to redraw Hungary's voting districts. This proposal sparked controversy, as opposition parties and political analysts argued that the new boundaries would unfairly benefit right-wing parties in elections, raising concerns about potential gerrymandering.
The Redistricting Transparency Act of 2011 was introduced in the US Congress, following a similar attempt in 2010. This act aimed to bring greater transparency to the redistricting process, hoping to curb the practice of gerrymandering.
The 2012 election in Pennsylvania saw Democrats lose 13 out of 18 congressional districts despite receiving more votes overall, highlighting the impact of the 2010 Republican-controlled redistricting.
The 2012 Wisconsin state legislature election highlighted the impact of the 2011 redistricting, with an efficiency gap resulting in one party winning 61% of districts despite receiving only 48.6% of the two-party vote.
A 2012 investigation by The Center for Public Integrity revealed a lack of transparency and public input in many states' redistricting processes.
In January 2013, a motion to suspend the review of parliamentary constituency boundaries, intended to address malapportionment, was passed in the UK House of Commons. The motion, supported by Labour and Liberal Democrats, postponed the process despite prior agreements.
Further addressing the issue of electoral fairness, Germany's Federal Constitutional Court issued a ruling in 2013 on the constitutionality of "Überhangmandate." This ruling led to a system where other parties receive seats to compensate for disproportionality caused by extra seats, preventing skewed election results and promoting a more balanced representation in the Bundestag.
In 2013, a bill to split the province of Camarines Sur in the Philippines into a new province called Nueva Camarines, which was seen as an attempt at gerrymandering, was defeated in the Senate.
The 2013 Malaysian General Election provided a stark example of gerrymandering's impact. Despite receiving only 47% of the popular vote, Barisan Nasional secured 60% of the seats in Parliament. This discrepancy between votes and representation underscores how manipulated boundaries can distort election results and undermine democratic principles.
The Redistricting Transparency Act was introduced in the US Congress for the third time, following previous attempts in 2010 and 2011. This repeated attempt highlights the ongoing struggle to address concerns about gerrymandering and to increase transparency in the redistricting process.
The year 2013 saw the first election in Chile that was affected by the minor constituency changes implemented in 2007.
The conservative Liberal Party government in New South Wales attempted to gerrymander the City of Sydney council elections in 2014. This attempt, widely seen as an effort to oust Lord Mayor Clover Moore, involved giving businesses double votes and imposing cumbersome electoral roll update requirements specifically on the City of Sydney. Despite these measures, Moore retained her position.
The rewriting of Nepal's constitution in 2015, including the redrawing of electoral boundaries, sparked controversy and protests, particularly in the southern Terai region. Marginalized groups, such as the Madhesis, Tharus, and Janajatis, argued that the new boundaries discriminated against them and were designed to limit their political representation, raising concerns about fairness and inclusivity in the electoral process.
The review and redistricting process, aiming for more uniform constituency sizes, was intended to be completed by 2015. The goal was to create constituencies with no fewer than 70,583 and no more than 80,473 electors.
A new review of UK constituency boundaries commenced, with a draft of the new boundaries being released in October 2016. This initiative aimed to rectify historical malapportionment and ensure fairer representation.
In 2016, a U.S. District Court ruled against the 2011 drawing of Wisconsin legislative districts, citing an efficiency gap of 11.69% to 13% as evidence of gerrymandering.
In 2017, Representative John Delaney introduced the Open Our Democracy Act, aiming to establish nonpartisan redistricting in the United States.
In 2017, mathematicians Boris Alexeev and Dustin Mixon mathematically proved that achieving certain targets for both compactness (Polsby-Popper score) and partisan fairness (efficiency gap) in drawing district boundaries could sometimes necessitate unusually shaped districts.
In 2017, the United Kingdom's constituencies varied significantly in size, with the smallest having fewer than a fifth of the electors compared to the largest. This disparity was a result of various factors.
The introduction of Italy's Rosatellum electoral act in 2017 sparked debate and analysis regarding potential gerrymandering. The hypothesis, still under scrutiny, suggests that the new electoral boundaries drawn under this act might have been designed to provide certain political parties with an unfair advantage in elections.
Despite allegations of long-standing gerrymandering and malapportionment favoring the incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, the 14th Malaysian General Election in May 2018 saw an upset victory for the Pakatan Harapan (PH) alliance. This result demonstrated that even entrenched gerrymandering practices can be overcome by a strong opposition movement and a desire for change among the electorate.
Following the 2018 Hungarian election, allegations of gerrymandering arose, with claims that the electoral map, redesigned in 2011, had significantly favored the ruling Fidesz party. Critics argued that the uneven distribution of voters across constituencies led to an unfair advantage for Fidesz, raising concerns about the integrity of the electoral process.
In 2018, Michigan voters approved an independent commission to oversee redistricting following the 2020 census. Ohio took a similar approach but allowed the state legislature to retain some influence over the process, potentially leaving room for gerrymandering.
The United States Supreme Court, in a 5-4 decision in June 2019, ruled that federal courts lacked the authority to hear cases related to partisan gerrymandering. The decision significantly impacted the legal battle against partisan gerrymandering.
Following the 2020 United States Census, Michigan implemented its independent commission to draw new congressional maps, aiming to curb partisan influence in the redistricting process.
Following a landslide victory in the 2021 Western Australian state election, the Labor Party implemented significant electoral reforms. They dismantled the previous electoral region system, which had been criticized for favoring the National Party. In its place, they introduced a single statewide constituency with a "one-vote, one-value" system, aiming for fairer representation.
In the 2021 German federal election, the Left party was able to enter the Bundestag by winning three constituencies, despite not achieving the 5% minimum vote threshold. This rule, allowing parties to bypass the threshold by winning three constituencies, makes gerrymandering a possibility in an otherwise proportionally representative system.
The 2021 census in Croatia revealed further discrepancies in the populations of electoral districts, raising concerns about unequal representation. The difference in the number of votes required for a single parliamentary mandate between the smallest and largest districts was a staggering 10,500 votes.
Miroslav Šeparović, President of the Constitutional Court of Croatia, voiced concerns in October 2022 that the significant population disparities among electoral districts could jeopardize the constitutionality of future elections in Croatia.
In December 2022, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele suggested reducing the number of municipalities from 262 to 50. This proposal drew accusations of attempted gerrymandering from opposition politicians concerned about the consolidation of power ahead of the 2024 general election.
Starting in 2022, some districts in Michigan were redrawn to encompass greater metropolitan areas, leading to a shift in the political landscape.
Legislative Assembly President Ernesto Castro, in February 2023, confirmed that the Nuevas Ideas (NI) political party was formally assessing the proposal to reduce the number of municipalities, a suggestion initially made by President Bukele.
The general election in El Salvador is scheduled for 2024. The proposed reduction of municipalities has become a point of contention in the lead-up to this election.