The 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision established a constitutional right to abortion in the United States, striking down many existing abortion laws. This landmark ruling ignited a contentious debate, persisting for decades, about the legality and accessibility of abortion, the role of personal beliefs in politics, and appropriate judicial interpretation of the Constitution. The debate continues even after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, eliminating the federal right to abortion.
By 1900, every state in the United States had laws in place restricting abortion, reflecting a growing movement against the practice in the 19th century.
Meyer v. Nebraska (1923) was a Supreme Court case that contributed to the development of the concept of personal liberty within the realm of privacy. This case influenced the legal landscape surrounding personal liberty and privacy.
Griswold v. Connecticut (1965) was a landmark Supreme Court case that established a constitutional right to privacy, influencing later cases like Roe v. Wade.
The Supreme Court's decision in Griswold v. Connecticut, which recognized a right to privacy in marital relations, was issued in 1965. The Roe v. Wade district court decision cited this case in its ruling.
Lawrence Lader's book "Abortion" was published in 1966. Justice Blackmun, who was assigned to write the majority opinion in Roe v. Wade, cited Lader's book in his research. Lader's work predicted minimal community opposition if abortion were legalized and the potential for a landmark Supreme Court decision on the issue.
Loving v. Virginia (1967) was a landmark civil rights case that struck down laws prohibiting interracial marriage. This case, focused on individual liberty and privacy, contributed to the foundation of similar cases, including Roe v. Wade.
Sarah Weddington served as a law clerk for Judge Sarah T. Hughes from 1968 to 1969. Hughes was later part of the three-judge panel that heard the Roe v. Wade case at the district court level.
In June 1969, Norma McCorvey, a 21-year-old pregnant woman, was approached by lawyers Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee to be the plaintiff in a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of Texas's abortion law. McCorvey's race and social class were factors in her selection as the plaintiff.
In 1969, Norma McCorvey, using the pseudonym "Jane Roe," sought an abortion in Texas, where it was largely illegal. This led to the landmark Roe v. Wade case.
In 1969, Planned Parenthood-World Population showed its support for the repeal of all laws against abortion.
Sarah Weddington served as a law clerk for Judge Sarah T. Hughes from 1968 to 1969. Hughes was later part of the three-judge panel that heard the Roe v. Wade case at the district court level.
Norma McCorvey gave birth to a daughter, Shelley Lynn Thornton, on June 2, 1970. The baby was put up for adoption.
On June 17, 1970, a three-judge panel in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas ruled in favor of "Jane Roe," declaring the Texas abortion law unconstitutional and a violation of the right to privacy. However, the court declined to grant an injunction against enforcing the law.
Both sides in the Roe v. Wade case appealed the district court's ruling, and the case went directly to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1970. The Supreme Court delayed taking action on Roe and the related case Doe v. Bolton until after deciding other cases, including Younger v. Harris, which raised questions about judicial jurisdiction.
In 1970, lawyers Linda Coffee and Sarah Weddington filed Roe v. Wade on behalf of Norma McCorvey (under the pseudonym "Jane Roe") and Does v. Wade on behalf of a married couple, challenging the Texas abortion law in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas.
The Supreme Court scheduled the first oral argument in Roe v. Wade for December 13, 1971. However, the retirement of Justices Hugo Black and John Marshall Harlan II before this date led to delays and a change in the Court's composition.
In 1971, Shirley Wheeler was charged with manslaughter for having an illegal abortion in Florida, highlighting the legal and social challenges women faced seeking abortions in some states. Her case garnered national attention and support from organizations like Playboy and the Women's National Abortion Action Coalition.
In March 1972, the Supreme Court issued its ruling in Eisenstadt v. Baird, a significant case that extended the right to privacy in matters of contraception to unmarried individuals, building on the precedent set in Griswold v. Connecticut.
Justice Harry Blackmun suggested that Roe v. Wade be reargued. Justice Douglas opposed this, suspecting that the newly appointed justices (Rehnquist and Powell) might vote to uphold the Texas abortion law. Douglas's dissent was noted in the reargument order but not elaborated upon.
In an unusual turn of events, a memo written by Justice Douglas to his fellow justices regarding the Roe v. Wade case was leaked to and subsequently published in The Washington Post before the official decision was released.
After a reargument order, the second oral argument in Roe v. Wade took place on October 11, 1972. Sarah Weddington continued to represent "Jane Roe," while Texas Assistant Attorney General Robert C. Flowers replaced Jay Floyd as the state's representative.
Eisenstadt v. Baird (1972) was a Supreme Court case that expanded the right to privacy to unmarried individuals, further solidifying the legal foundation upon which Roe v. Wade was built.
In January 1973, the Supreme Court issued a 7-2 decision in favor of "Jane Roe," finding that the right to privacy under the Fourteenth Amendment protected a pregnant woman's right to an abortion, though this right was not absolute.
On January 22, 1973, the Supreme Court ruled in a 7-2 decision to uphold a woman's right to an abortion under the right to privacy protected by the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court determined that excessively restrictive state regulation of abortion is unconstitutional.
On June 27, 1973, a lawsuit brought to light the case of the Relf sisters, Minnie Lee (14 years old) and Alice Lee (12 years old), who were sterilized without their knowledge or consent. The case ignited concerns within the population control movement that abortions could also become compulsory, particularly among minority communities.
In October 1973, Nellie Gray initiated the March for Life movement, a significant development in the anti-abortion movement. The movement sought to mobilize public support for overturning Roe v. Wade and restricting access to abortion.
In October 1973, concerns arose within Planned Parenthood regarding the use of population control rhetoric. Robin Elliott circulated a memo to members suggesting a shift away from emphasizing "Planned Parenthood's credibility in its reference to the population problem" and toward Roe-inspired language focused on "the reaffirmation of commitment to freedom of choice in parenthood."
Following the landmark Roe v. Wade decision in 1973, a number of states took proactive measures, enacting laws to either solidify abortion rights or prepare for a potential reversal of the ruling, highlighting the deep divisions and legal complexities surrounding the issue.
In 1973, following the Roe v. Wade decision, organizations such as Hugh Moore's Population Crisis Committee and John D. Rockefeller III's Population Council publicly supported abortion rights. Their support, along with that of other population control and abortion rights advocates, stemmed from their belief in the potential benefits of legalized abortion, including reduced welfare costs, fewer illegitimate births, and slower population growth.
In 1973, a plurality of the Supreme Court recognized a change in the understanding of fetal viability, shifting it from 28 weeks to 23 or 24 weeks. This shift influenced the court's perspective on the trimester framework established in Roe v. Wade.
Since the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, advocates have underscored its importance in protecting women's rights, specifically focusing on personal freedom, bodily integrity, and privacy. They argue that access to safe abortion and overall reproductive freedom are fundamental rights.
In the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, Justice Harry Blackmun's opinion stated that criminalizing abortion did not have strong historical roots in English common law and that many current restrictive laws were relatively recent.
In 1973, there was a strong public response to the Roe v. Wade decision. The Catholic Church condemned the ruling while organizations such as the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws (NARAL) and the National Right to Life Committee were formed.
In 1973, the passage of the Church Amendment marked a pivotal moment in the aftermath of Roe v. Wade. This amendment provided crucial protection to private hospitals opposed to abortion, ensuring they would not face funding cuts for their stance.
In 1973, the Supreme Court ruled in the Roe v. Wade case that the Constitution protected a woman's right to have an abortion, striking down many existing abortion laws.
On January 22, 1974, the first March for Life took place in Washington, D.C., marking the first anniversary of the Roe v. Wade decision. This event, organized by Nellie Gray, aimed to demonstrate opposition to abortion and advocate for increased legal protections for the unborn.
During the 1974 World Population Conference in Bucharest, Romania, many developing nations pushed back against the prevailing population control narrative. They argued that developed nations were using population control as a way to avoid addressing deeper issues like unequal international relations. Instead of focusing on fertility targets, they advocated for fairer terms within the New International Economic Order.
Justice Blackmun, the author of the Roe v. Wade decision, expressed mixed emotions about his involvement in the case during a televised interview in 1974. He acknowledged the landmark nature of the ruling, predicting that it would be viewed as either a grave error or a pivotal moment in the Supreme Court's history.
In 1975, the Federal Constitutional Court in pre-unification West Germany issued a ruling on abortion, rejecting the trimester framework used in Roe v. Wade. They asserted that fetal development is a continuous process and that the right to life begins at conception. The court emphasized the need to balance the rights of the mother with the rights of the unborn child, prioritizing the protection of human life.
In 1975, two justices expressed dissenting opinions on the German Constitutional Court's abortion ruling. They argued that criminalizing abortion performed by a physician with the consent of the pregnant woman during the first trimester, as per the U.S. Supreme Court's stance, would be considered excessive according to German constitutional law.
In 1976, Congress enacted the Hyde Amendment, a significant legislative measure that prohibited the use of federal Medicaid funds for abortions except in cases of rape, incest, or a threat to the life of the mother. This amendment, a major victory for the anti-abortion movement, significantly limited access to abortion for low-income women.
In 1976, the Supreme Court case Planned Parenthood v. Danforth saw challenges to a Missouri statute regulating abortion. The court struck down parts of the law that required prior consent from a parent for minors or a spouse for married women and banned saline abortions after 12 weeks of pregnancy.
In 1977, South Carolina's attempt to prosecute a doctor for illegal abortion and murder in the case of Floyd v. Anders was blocked. The doctor had performed an abortion on a 25-week-old fetus, who was born alive but died after 20 days. The prosecution was stopped by Judge Clement Haynsworth, who stated that the fetus was not considered alive or a person under the Fourteenth Amendment. This case sparked debate about the legal definition of life and the implications of Roe v. Wade.
By 1978, the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) formally distanced itself from the population control movement in its handbook.
In 1980, the Supreme Court issued a ruling in Harris v. McRae that upheld restrictions on public funding for abortions, including the Hyde Amendment. This decision solidified the legality of restricting government funding for abortion services.
In 1981, President Reagan, a supporter of legislative restrictions on abortion, initiated the process of appointing federal judges. Despite his stance on social issues, he denied imposing any litmus tests on his appointees, emphasizing his belief in judges who interpret the law rather than create it.
In 1981, then-Senator Joe Biden voted in favor of a constitutional amendment that would grant states the power to overturn Roe v. Wade. This marked an early stance on the issue.
During a 1983 interview, Justice Blackmun expressed discomfort with the personalization of the Roe v. Wade decision, emphasizing that it was a collective ruling by the Supreme Court. He found it bothersome that individuals, including legal scholars, attributed the decision solely to him.
In 1983, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, appointed by President Reagan, began dissenting from the Court's abortion rulings. She argued against the trimester-based analysis established in Roe, deeming it unworkable.
In 1986, nearing his retirement, Chief Justice Warren Burger suggested that the Roe v. Wade decision should be reexamined.
The potential for Roe v. Wade to be overturned significantly influenced the 1987 Supreme Court nomination process. Concerns about overturning Roe played a major role in the defeat of Robert Bork's nomination. Ultimately, Anthony Kennedy, who was considered more moderate on the issue of abortion, was appointed to replace Justice Lewis Powell.
In 1988, the Supreme Court of Canada, in the case of R. v. Morgentaler, invoked the rulings of both Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton to declare Canada's federal law restricting abortions to certified hospitals unconstitutional.
In 1989, the Supreme Court case Webster v. Reproductive Health Services marked a turning point in the legal landscape surrounding abortion. In a 5-4 decision, the court upheld several restrictions on abortion and modified the trimester framework established in Roe v. Wade. While the court declined to explicitly overturn Roe, this decision signaled a shift in the judicial approach to abortion rights.
In the 1989 case of Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, the Supreme Court ruled against recognizing an affirmative right to non-therapeutic abortions. The court's decision meant that states were not obligated to provide funding for abortions that were not deemed medically necessary. This ruling marked a significant point in the ongoing legal and political debates surrounding abortion access in the United States.
In 1991, Justice Blackmun revealed his regret over the Supreme Court's decision to hear Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton during a televised interview. He believed, in hindsight, that the Court had erred in taking on these cases and that they should have been deferred until a full bench was available.
In 1992, during the landmark abortion case of Planned Parenthood v. Casey, Justice Blackmun stood by the analytical framework he had established in Roe v. Wade, demonstrating his unwavering support for the principles outlined in his original ruling. Beyond the courtroom, he actively defended Roe v. Wade and countered its critics through speeches and lectures.
In 1992, the Supreme Court heard the case of Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which challenged the restrictions placed on abortion rights by the state of Pennsylvania. While a majority initially considered overturning Roe v. Wade, the court ultimately reaffirmed its central holding, albeit with a shift in justification from privacy to a broader interpretation of individual liberty in matters of family life.
In 1992, the Supreme Court upheld the core holding of Roe v. Wade in the Planned Parenthood v. Casey decision, though it modified the legal framework for evaluating abortion restrictions.
In 1993, a district court rejected an argument that attempted to frame abortion bans as a violation of the Thirteenth Amendment's prohibition against involuntary servitude. This argument, equating pregnancy and childrearing to involuntary servitude, was unsuccessful in this instance. The court's decision reaffirmed the existing legal framework surrounding abortion rights.
In 1993, Sarah Weddington, the lawyer who argued Roe v. Wade, gave a speech for the Institute for Educational Ethics in Oklahoma. During her speech, she reflected on her conduct during the Roe case, acknowledging that while her actions may not have been entirely ethical, she believed her motives were justified.
The Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 1995 marked a significant legislative event in the ongoing debate surrounding abortion in the United States.
In 1995, Norma McCorvey, the plaintiff in the landmark Roe v. Wade case, made a significant life change by joining the anti-abortion movement. This unexpected turn of events thrust her into the spotlight once again.
A Gallup poll in 1995 recorded the highest partisan divide on abortion since the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. This indicates a growing polarization of the issue along political lines.
In 1998, Norma McCorvey, a central figure in the Roe v. Wade case, provided testimony before Congress. Her appearance before Congress underscored the ongoing national debate and deep divisions surrounding abortion rights.
In 1998, Sarah Weddington expressed concern that the lack of doctors willing to perform abortions could jeopardize the Roe v. Wade decision. She acknowledged that the ruling might not be as steadfast as initially perceived.
In 2000, the Supreme Court ruled on Stenberg v. Carhart, striking down a Nebraska law that banned partial-birth abortion without an exception for the woman's health. The court's decision highlighted the importance of considering the safety of different abortion procedures and the woman's health in abortion regulations.
In 2002, Norma McCorvey, the "Roe" in Roe v. Wade, joined Sandra Cano ("Doe" in Doe v. Bolton) and Bernard Nathanson, a co-founder of NARAL Pro-Choice America, in a television advertisement. The advertisement aimed to influence the Bush administration's nomination of Supreme Court Justices, urging the selection of those opposed to abortion.
In 2003, Norma McCorvey gave a sworn statement about her involvement in the Roe v. Wade case.
In 2003, the United States Congress passed the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act, a move that reignited the debate over abortion rights and led to further legal challenges, notably the case of Gonzales v. Carhart, which reached the Supreme Court.
Lawrence v. Texas (2003) marked a significant step in privacy rights jurisprudence, building upon the foundation laid by Roe v. Wade and extending the right to privacy to same-sex relationships.
On February 22, 2005, the Supreme Court refused to grant a writ of certiorari in McCorvey v. Hill, ending McCorvey's attempt to overturn Roe v. Wade. While acknowledging the legitimacy of McCorvey's concerns about the potential harm caused by abortions, the Fifth Circuit deemed her case moot.
On March 9, 2006, Dubay initiated a lawsuit in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan, marking the beginning of a legal battle that aimed to challenge child support obligations for fathers.
On July 17, 2006, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan dismissed Dubay's lawsuit, ruling against his claim and upholding existing child support laws.
In 2006, a paternity case, Dubay v. Wells, gained national attention as it challenged the obligation of men to pay child support for children they did not wish to parent, drawing parallels to the landmark Roe v. Wade case.
On April 18, 2007, the Supreme Court issued a landmark decision in Gonzales v. Carhart, upholding the constitutionality of the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act. The court's ruling marked a significant shift in the legal landscape surrounding abortion rights.
In his 2007 memoir, Joe Biden, while personally opposing abortion, acknowledged that he did not have the authority to force his beliefs on others, highlighting a nuanced perspective on the issue.
By 2010, the annual March for Life in Washington, D.C., had reached an attendance of approximately 250,000 participants, highlighting the enduring strength of the anti-abortion movement. This consistent turnout demonstrated the movement's sustained efforts to influence public policy and restrict abortion access.
By 2011, a significant majority of states and the District of Columbia had enacted laws protecting the right of healthcare providers to refuse participation in abortion-related procedures or services based on moral or religious objections.
In 2011, the March for Life in Washington, D.C., witnessed a surge in attendance, with estimates reaching 400,000 participants. This notable increase signaled a growing mobilization of the anti-abortion movement and its persistent efforts to overturn Roe v. Wade.
On April 16, 2012, Mississippi enacted House Bill 1390, aiming to restrict abortion access without directly overturning Roe v. Wade.
Judge Daniel Porter Jordan III issued an injunction on July 13, 2012, preventing Mississippi's House Bill 1390, which aimed to restrict abortion, from going into effect.
In 2012, former President Jimmy Carter expressed his personal belief that abortion was wrong, reflecting on his complex stance while in office. He supported Roe v. Wade's enforcement but sought to minimize abortions and urged the Democratic Party to address underlying socioeconomic factors.
The 2012 March for Life maintained the high attendance levels of the previous year, with an estimated 400,000 participants. This sustained turnout indicated the enduring strength and commitment of the anti-abortion movement.
On April 15, 2013, a partial injunction was issued on Mississippi's abortion law, focusing on the requirement for abortion providers to have hospital admitting privileges.
In 2013, the Texas legislature implemented stringent restrictions on abortion clinics and providers, requiring admitting privileges at local hospitals and imposing facility standards equivalent to those of outpatient surgery centers, a move that sparked widespread controversy.
The 2013 March for Life in Washington, D.C., drew an estimated 650,000 participants, marking a significant peak in attendance for the event. This record turnout reflected the intensified efforts of the anti-abortion movement to restrict abortion rights and overturn Roe v. Wade.
A three-judge panel from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit upheld the injunction against part of Mississippi's abortion law on July 29, 2014, further challenging the state's attempt to restrict abortion access.
In 2014, the Senate Judiciary Committee convened hearings to discuss the Women's Health Protection Act (WHPA). During these hearings, opposing viewpoints emerged regarding the constitutionality and merits of the act, reflecting the contentious nature of the abortion debate.
On February 18, 2015, Mississippi appealed to the Supreme Court to review its abortion case after facing legal setbacks in lower courts.
Obergefell v. Hodges (2015) was a landmark Supreme Court case that legalized same-sex marriage nationwide. This case built upon the precedents set by Roe v. Wade and other privacy rights cases, further solidifying the right to privacy as a fundamental aspect of American jurisprudence.
On June 27, 2016, the Supreme Court issued a ruling in the case of Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt, striking down the restrictive abortion regulations enacted in Texas. The court's decision was a significant victory for abortion rights advocates.
The Supreme Court declined to hear Mississippi's appeal on their abortion case on June 28, 2016, leaving the lower court's injunction in place.
In 2016, Indiana passed House Bill 1337, a law that placed regulations on the handling of fetal remains and prohibited abortions based on factors like gender, race, or disability, sparking legal challenges and ethical debates.
Norma McCorvey, the plaintiff in Roe v. Wade, passed away in 2017.
Polls from 2018 to 2019 revealed that about 60% of Americans supported first-trimester abortions. However, this support significantly decreased for second-trimester abortions, despite Roe protecting this right. Interestingly, a larger percentage (69%) opposed overturning Roe.
In 2018, Mississippi passed the Gestational Age Act, banning abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy with limited exceptions. The law faced immediate legal challenges, setting the stage for a significant legal battle that reached the Supreme Court.
On October 29, 2019, Judge Myron Thompson blocked Alabama's Human Life Protection Act from going into effect, temporarily preventing one of the most restrictive abortion laws in the country from being enforced.
A 2019 study estimated that overturning Roe v. Wade could significantly impact access to abortion, potentially preventing over 90,000 women from obtaining abortions annually due to increased travel distances to abortion providers.
In 2019, polls highlighted a contradiction: while 43% of those wanting stricter abortion laws opposed overturning Roe, 26% supporting mostly legal abortion wanted it overturned. This demonstrated the complexity of opinions surrounding the issue. Further, polls suggested that opinions on abortion were more closely tied to perspectives on motherhood, sex, and women's roles in society rather than simply being a gender-based divide.
In 2019, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a ruling in the case of Box v. Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky, Inc., upholding the regulations on fetal remains but declining to rule on the broader aspects of Indiana's House Bill 1337, which were blocked by lower courts.
On June 15, 2020, Mississippi appealed the case of Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization to the Supreme Court, seeking to overturn lower court rulings that had blocked the state's restrictive abortion law.
In May 2021, Texas lawmakers passed Senate Bill 8, known as the Texas Heartbeat Act, banning abortions after a fetal heartbeat is detected, typically around six weeks of pregnancy.
On May 17, 2021, the Supreme Court agreed to hear Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, a case challenging Mississippi's 15-week abortion ban, signaling a potential reassessment of Roe v. Wade.
The Texas Heartbeat Act, one of the most restrictive abortion laws in the U.S., went into effect on September 1, 2021, banning abortions after about six weeks of pregnancy.
The U.S. Supreme Court decided on October 22, 2021, to allow the Texas Heartbeat Act to remain in effect while legal challenges proceeded, marking a significant setback for abortion rights advocates.
The Supreme Court heard arguments on November 1, 2021, in the case of United States v. Texas, which challenged the constitutionality of the Texas Heartbeat Act and its unique enforcement mechanism.
Sarah Weddington, a key figure in the landmark Roe v. Wade case, passed away on December 26, 2021.
In late 2021, opinion polls showed a complex picture of American views on Roe v. Wade. While a majority opposed fully overturning Roe, a significant minority expressed support for making abortion illegal in ways that Roe wouldn't allow. This suggested potential misunderstandings about the ruling or misinterpretations of poll questions.
In 2021, polls indicated nuanced views on abortion, with factors like parental status influencing support for Roe v. Wade and opposition to the Texas Heartbeat Act, highlighting the complexity of the issue.
In 2021, Texas enacted the Texas Heartbeat Act, a law that effectively banned abortions after six weeks of pregnancy. The act's unique enforcement mechanism, relying on private citizens rather than state officials, presented significant challenges to abortion rights and access.
In 2021, President Joe Biden publicly reaffirmed his strong support for Roe v. Wade, emphasizing his respect for differing views while advocating for a woman's right to choose.
A January 2022 CNN poll found that if Roe v. Wade were to be overturned, a 59% majority of Americans favored their state having abortion laws that are "more permissive than restrictive." In contrast, 20% desired a complete ban on abortion in their state, while another 20% preferred restrictions without a complete ban.
In February 2022, Justice Alito's draft opinion on Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, advocating for overturning Roe and Casey, was circulated among the Supreme Court justices. This marked the beginning of internal deliberations that would have far-reaching consequences.
Two separate polls conducted in March 2022 showed a consistent trend: 61% to 64% of Americans believed that abortion should be legal in most or all cases, while 35% to 37% supported making it illegal in most or all cases.
On May 2, 2022, an unprecedented leak of a draft Supreme Court opinion on the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization case, authored by Justice Samuel Alito, sent shockwaves through the US. The draft, circulated in February 2022, signaled the potential overturn of Roe v. Wade, sparking widespread protests and debates.
A Gallup poll conducted in May 2022 revealed significant trends in public opinion on abortion. It showed that 50% of Americans believed abortion should be legal in certain circumstances, 35% supported legal abortion in all circumstances, and 15% believed it should be entirely illegal. Notably, the poll recorded an all-time high in the number of Americans identifying as pro-choice.
Following the Supreme Court's decision in June 2022 to overturn Roe v. Wade, a poll revealed that 59% of Americans disapproved of the ruling, indicating widespread concern and potential backlash.
In June 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey in the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization case, arguing that there was no historical basis for a right to abortion.
In June 2022, the Supreme Court overturned the landmark Roe v. Wade decision, ending the constitutional right to abortion in the United States.
In June 2022, the leak of the draft opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, which indicated the overturning of Roe v. Wade, significantly heightened concerns about abortion rights in the United States. This event led to increased political engagement on the issue, particularly among Democrats. Public opinion polls conducted in June 2022 by Gallup revealed a 61% majority support for legal abortion in all or most cases, the highest partisan divide on this issue since 1995.
On June 24, 2022, the Supreme Court, in a 5-4 decision, officially overturned Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey. Justice Alito, who authored the majority opinion, argued that the Constitution does not guarantee the right to abortion, returning the issue to individual states.
A Gallup poll conducted in January 2023 found that nearly 70% of Americans disapprove of the country's abortion policies, reflecting heightened public dissatisfaction following the overturning of Roe v. Wade.